In the US government system, the federal government switched to Empais to become a device that passed the funds. Social security and various safety net programs pass funds to individuals. It passes money in the health care industry through Medicare and Medicaid. By purchasing the Treasury Securities, we pass the money in the form of interest to those who borrow money from the government. And it passes money to the state and local governments. (About a fifth of all federal spending goes to state and local governments. About one -third of the state income comes from the federal government.))
However, a lot of public interest in the government focuses on the federal level, but many of the “government” actually arise at the state and regional levels. For example, K-12 and public higher education, airports, airports, water resources and sewage treatment, policy and traffic rules, firefighters, housing policies, production and electric companies, other insurance companies, Undrence Indusial of MedicaId and Undruses insurance transmission and transmission and transmission and transmission, transmission and other transfer and transmission and other of other insurance companies Transmission and other management. The overwhelming “government” workers in the United States are employed by state and local governments, not federal governments.
How much do the state and local governments have the ability to handle the task they face? David Schleicher and Nicholas Bagley asked this question.National Competency Crisis ” (January 1, 2025 Niskanen Center). They wrote: “The old joke is that the federal government is actually an insurance company with the military. It is not very involved in providing services, but forgetting the checks for the elderly through social security and medical care.” The following is the taste of their claims (omitted footnotes):
Three areas are particularly interested in us. First, Lynch Pin, a general story about lack of national capacity, is a claim that Congress has fallen. But the state council was not broken in the same way as parliament. Nevertheless, in 39 of the 50 states, parliamentary and governor came from the same party and there are few institutional limitations as the Filibuster. As a result, most parties can usually do what they want. Grid lock is not a problem. But the State Council is much worse than Congress. Voters are almost nothing about what’s happening in the state politics, and he is voting more and more to the same party for the state council for the president and parliament. A wide range of nationalization of such national and local elections means that national legislative achievements are almost involved with election results. GerryMandering is also much worse at the main level than the federal level. Like the lack of employee competence and resources. Natural results are carelessness of true public priorities.
Second, the main board of national competency literature is that administrative law imposes too many procedural rules on government agencies. However, this rule, which is not intentional, stops stupid institutions with a red tape that is not often handled to increase the power of narrow interest groups to twist the results of the agency, and the License Court is a license court to stop the act of tic-tag or partisan reasons. However, this “procedure fetish” is a big problem for the federal government, but in many ways, there is a bigger problem in the state and region. State administrative laws are more stringent and often more stringent than federal administrative law. Nations, especially local governments, have a very strong rules that require many public participation in the administration. Small groups with intense caring for national and regional decisions are much easier to form than groups that represent the spread of public interests, so if the Chamber of Commerce or NIMBY represents individual interests that are not representative, they hinder the administrative process by sacrificing the preceding preference.
Third, the main capacity of the budget has a blind spot. The reason is that the federal government has a special fiscal ability, including the ability to depend on the deficit during the economic downturn. … The picture looks very different at the status level. All weeks (storage of Vermont) must legally balance the budget, cannot print money to increase any leading shortage, and in all states facing legal and market restrictions on borrowing capacity. When the economic downturn is depleted of tax revenue, there is little choice except to increase taxes or reduce expenses if the public service is most needed. Thus, the state’s limited fiscal ability contributes to the poor governance, especially during the economic downturn. MEDICAID consumes some of the main budgets, the cost of state and local public service increases faster than inflation, and the state and provinces deal with pension obligations.
These forces (no national and local politics are not responsible, excessive strengths of national and local administrative laws, rapid restrictions on national fiscal power), incentives to dominate the incentives of civil servants, and efforts to build narrow interest groups, and capacity to build narrow interests.
In short, your state and local governments are not operated by the federal government. If you are interested in the actual aspects of the state and local governments, if you actually finish your work and work in a timely manner, you should pay attention to the practicality of what happens. A typical example here is that Democrats New York City voters sometimes vote in Republican markets such as Rudolph Juliani and Michael Bloomberg. (If you react to that name based on action in federal politics rather than achievements and actions in local governments, you will explain the problem.)
Personally, I win every week or local policy makers who take a position on what’s happening at the federal level. Because I do not focus on the actual job. If the distance is safe and good, the K-12 schools are educating students to high levels, and the public pension funds are all well-funded. Then I will be willing to express the opinions of state and local policy makers on national politics. Schleicher and Bagley conclude:
Whatever the right approach, our point is that reformers who want to build national capabilities should think about where they will focus on their efforts. From our point of view, you will not make much progress in the beltway. You must go to Lansing and Hartford, Sacramento and Austin, Los Angeles County and New York City. The national ability of the United States is at least about the state and the province.
