Basic Town: US military regional competitions in Korea and Japan
Claudia Junghyun Kim
Oxford University Press, 2023
US military -based networks have been a topic of many academic investigations over the years, and most of this literature can be divided into three inquiries. First, what does base distribution around the world explain? Why is the United States established? Military base Why do you do some where it is Foreign government Do you want or refuse to host the US base, and how do US policy makers and foreigners use it differently? story to legalization The existence of that base?
Second, whatever policymakers and military officials think about the basis, do military base actually do what they need to do? They have successfully advanced us understanding? Or is it possible to have an intended effect? We are such a debate smallensign Trip wire strength It has a suppression effect.
Claudia Junghyun Kim Basic Town: US military regional competitions in Korea and Japan Join the third question that focuses more. Paternity politics To basic. This work considers how to interact, not only local and local governments but also activists to form a decision for establishment, maintenance, expansion, movement, minimization, or abandoned position. Basic city Focus on the semi -basic social movement contributes to this literature. In other words, even if a foreign government welcomes the existence of the US military, the base and external castles often cause local competition. But the base depends on the degree of the debate they cause, but what Kim wants to explain is this variation.
In the US -based network, Korea and Japan’s base are especially important in US foreign policy. The number of facilities in each country is quoted by Kim (P.13), respectively, which registers 514 “officially recognized US military installation”, respectively, including 83 and 121 sites in Korea and Japan, respectively. When explaining why the base produces a variety of local competitions, Kim focuses on the “basic city” around 10 countries in Korea and Japan, respectively.
KIM is based on the joining of three major elements of the regional level of the regional level of the US military base based on interviews with activists, participants’ observation and protest data sets between 2000 and 2015. Whether the frame of the sportsmen on this issue is a larger and inactive population, whether or not it resonates well; And whether activists can successfully attract third -party support from local political elites.
Of the three factors that Kim claims to form a regional competition for US military bases, the predominant factor is not necessarily one. Rather, she presents an additional and accidental relationship between these factors. The more destructive the planned change is, the more the more active the activists form the exercise in terms of regional and practical interests rather than the more abstract and ideological concerns, the more likely the activists are to create a higher level of anti -base competitions. Especially at the two points of the latter, successful behaviorism can be costly. If the activists are more radical, that is, if they are more interested in eliminating the existence of the United States, the freedom of the non-active population, the freedom of the movement to the normal and localized terms, and the cooperation with the local political elites provide a way for gradual benefit, but ultimately recognizes the possibility of more radical change.
Basic city It is particularly notable contributing to the Cynthia Enloe ‘S. Bananas, Beach and Base: Feminist sensation for international politics. First, it suggests that a military -based politics that does not say anything about the use of other private or public universe is based on A ‘.Politics‘. Foreign sovereigns acquire US military -based maintenance on soil can be challenged by itself, but in order for the base to become a continuous being, the state and the US government must have a reasonable conviction that the local population will tolerate the existence of the base. One way to encourage local tolerance of military bases is to make it easy to make a cost -cost backlash. Enloe said, “Most of the bases have been in everyday life in the neighborhood of the community. KIM’s work shows that this ability is the most dangerous that ENLOE’s major changes in base operation interfere with the current state.
Second, Mr. Kim argues that when activists can form opposition to the base in practical terms, they can attract local citizens and civil servants. KIM (pp.43-46, 86-87) converts various ordinary problems from automotive accidents to environmental decrease, while the most frequent and prominent concerns in this book are associated with gender, sexual violence and sexual violence. In other words, KIM’s review of the regional level of competition is about the claim of ENLOE (1990, 67). In the campaign of “decadent culture and AIDS”, this dynamic “collapsed” method is also a social concern for both prostitutes, politicians and activists. Van (Street prostitution) ”-And as an individual who was violent by American soldiers in a way that caused the basic competition (pp.39, 87, 122).
Everyone says Basic city It is an impressive work of empirical depth and theoretical ambitions, but perhaps the most important is normative thrust. In other words, the work of Kim exudes harsh lights on the myriad consequences faced by people simply living near the US military base, and asks them to act as if they were important. We are we public official She dismissed it as “a conversation that can talk about parish problems.”
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